‘Prendre notre destin en main’ : anti-imperialism and sovereignty in Burkinabè political discourse from Thomas Sankara to Ibrahim Traoré

Introduction
We African heads of state have to stop behaving like puppets who dance every time the imperialists pull the strings.1

– Ibrahim Traoré on 28 July 2023 at the Second Russia–Africa Economic and Humanitarian Summit (Traoré 2023a)

On 24 January 2022, the president of Burkina Faso, Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, was overthrown by a group of officers within the Mouvement patriotique pour la sauvegarde et la restauration (Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration – MPSR), headed by Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba. Eight months later, on 30 September 2022, a second coup d’état was carried out by a military faction led by 34-year-old Captain Ibrahim Traoré. The coup d’etat as an expression of power emerges from the historical conditions of neocolonial state making, including the monopolisation of the state on the use of violence, authoritarian administrative inheritances and the continuous absence of endogenous political and economic self-determination (Sylla 2024).

Born in 1988, the year following the assassination of Captain Thomas Sankara, Traoré became the world’s youngest head of state. One month later, Traoré established a reputation as a leader in the tradition of Sankara by deliberately evoking the language and lineage of the August revolution : ‘assumer notre révolte’. Much like Sankara in 1983, Traoré sought to anchor his legitimacy in revolutionary precedent and historical necessity at a time when it was not anchored in legal continuity (see Engels 2026), stating during his first speech as president :

This led us last January to undertake unconstitutional acts in order to straighten out and restore life to this nation. The objective of the emergence of the Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration was therefore to take our destiny into our own hands.2 (Traoré 2022)

Analysts, journalists, activists and intellectuals have compared Traoré’s leadership style to the revolutionary political governance initiated in 1983 during Sankara’s leadership (see Atimniraye 2023). For example, the 2025 Ghanaian film Captain Ibrahim Traoré is subtitled ‘the last African hero’, and articles in Nation Africa describe him as ‘a new face of African defiance and dignity’ (Kamau 2025) ; TikTok, YouTube, Facebook and X accounts and posts frequently liken him to a ‘new Thomas Sankara’.3 These comparisons constitute powerful political imaginaries, mobilising an intergenerational pan-African longing and resolve for Sankara’s revolutionary rupture to frame Traoré’s legitimacy in the present. Distinguishing between hagiographies, anti-Traoré imperial dismissals and the material impacts of his policies has not always been straightforward. This brief debate takes up some of the political urgencies embedded in such a task by closely reading seven of Traoré’s public speeches, with an eye to resonances with Sankara’s political thought,4 outlining some of the unsettled questions and future research required.

Sovereignty and the political thought of Thomas Sankara
Thomas Sankara, president of Burkina Faso from 1983 until his assassination in 1987, had a distinctive vision and praxis of sovereignty. He devoted historically unprecedented efforts to criticising debt and foreign aid at a time when the Washington Consensus dominated economic thinking and he worked systematically (if experimentally and in real-time struggle against neo-imperial manoeuvres) to implement a range of audacious endogenous policies aimed at building an independent economy (Sankara 2007d). Kwame Nkrumah’s (1964) seminal book on neocolonialism had outlined the necessity for newly independent countries to build economic independence as a prerequisite for political independence and demonstrated that political independence would be an empty shell without genuine economic independence. Drawing on this earlier generation of pan-African and anti-imperial work, Sankara understood and practised sovereignty as a relation between political autonomy, economic self-determination and popular dignity, rejecting the postcolonial fiction that juridical independence could coexist with economic, military and political dependence :

You are going to build in order to prove that you’re capable of transforming your existence and transforming the concrete conditions in which you live. You don’t need us to go looking for foreign financial backers, you only need us to give the people their freedom and their rights. That will be done. (Sankara, ‘Who Are the Enemies of the People ?’, 26 March 1983 (Sankara 2007a))

For Sankara, sovereignty was anchored in the collective capacity of the Burkinabè people to determine the conditions of their own reproduction, labour and social life (ibid.), and this conviction underpinned his uncompromising critique of foreign aid and debt. He understood both debt and the development paradigm to be mechanisms of neo-imperial domination that disciplined African states into compliance within an international political economy structured by extraction, exploitation, oppression and hierarchy (Harsch 2014). Debt, for Sankara, was a technology of recolonisation that converted states into fiscal intermediaries for global capital, foreclosing meaningful political choice and autonomy (Sankara 2007c, 2007d). Sovereignty required refusal : refusal of odious debt, refusal of development models premised on dependency, and refusal of diplomatic subordination to former colonial powers. This was a pan-African claim as much as a national one ; no African state would be sovereign in isolation within an imperial world order (ibid.).

Such a notion of sovereignty was inseparable from Sankara’s praxis and conviction in the foundation of mass politicisation (Sankara 2007b). He espoused a revolutionary pedagogy that engaged with the people as the primary agents of their own socio-political and ecological transformation. In the four years of Sankara’s leadership, sovereignty was enacted through collectively working together, through an emphasis on endogenous production and through a combination of symbolic and material ruptures ; these were exemplified in policies ranging from agrarian reform and public health campaigns to the renaming of Upper Volta as Burkina Faso (land of the upright people) : a gesture that condensed his insistence on cultural, linguistic and epistemic self-affirmation. Sankara’s sovereignty praxis therefore conformed to neither orthodox Marxist statism nor liberal developmentalism. His political vision departed from doctrinaire models and foregrounded pan-African dignity, gender emancipation for societal transformation (McFadden 2018) and ecological responsibility as constitutive, rather than secondary, dimensions of sovereignty (Biney 2018). Sankara sought a radical redefinition of statehood in which sovereignty was an ethical-collective project, continually reproduced through struggle, relationship building in place, sacrifice and popular participation.

La Francafrique in Burkina Faso
Sankara’s assassination was carried out with the implicit support of the Ivorian political leadership, importantly Félix Houphouët-Boigny (Blaise Compaoré’s father-in-law), who is alleged to have provided financing. American historian Brian J. Peterson (2021, 272) tracks ‘determined efforts to manipulate the press by the French intelligence’ in the years prior to his assassination, writing

While France may not have engineered Sankara’s overthrow from a military standpoint, the French government created the conditions in which a coup was more likely … the French tentacles of influence via military and intelligence channels were everywhere, including the high volume of African soldiers trained in French military schools.

This is a point echoed by French historian Bruno Jaffré (2018), who notes the systematic economic withdrawal and even sabotage by France at the behest of Prime Minister Jacques Chirac, as France had contributed between 30 and 40% of the revolutionary party’s budget.

In April 2022, 35 years after the assassinations of Sankara and 12 of his comrades , a special military tribunal in Ouagadougou convicted Blaise Compaoré in absentia (he has been living in exile in Côte d’Ivoire since he was removed from power during a popular revolution in 2014, except for a brief return during Damiba’s presidency in 2022). Compaoré was found guilty of complicity in the murder of Sankara, concealment of a corpse, and attacking state security ; he was sentenced to life imprisonment, although that sentence has never been enforced and there are no publicly acknowledged efforts under way to extradite him. At the trial, multiple witnesses confirmed the presence of French agents in Ouaga the day following the assassination.

Sovereignty and the political thought of Ibrahim Traoré
Traoré’s government and its supporters regularly refer to Sankara, his actions and his speeches, in order to affirm the historical and social legitimacy of the political agenda of MPSR. On the 37th anniversary of the assassination of Sankara, a post on the presidential Facebook account directly asserted on the significance of Sankara’s political thought and praxis :

His struggle and his vision remain a reference point that guides our action and nourishes our commitment and determination for the reconquest of the national territory and the construction of a new Burkina of peace, security, prosperity and progress for all Burkinabè.5 (LeFaso.net 2024)

Invoking the necessity for African peoples to take control of the destiny of their continent, Traoré regularly accuses Europe in general, and France in particular, in relation to the terrorism ravaging the Sahel and the persistence of economic poverty :

As far as Burkina Faso is concerned, we have been facing for more than eight years the most barbaric and violent manifestation of neocolonialism and imperialism. The slavery that they are still trying to impose on us.6 (Traoré 2023a)

Traoré’s sovereigntist and anticolonial discourse challenges a neocolonial political economy based on financial dependence and debt, economic extraversion, monetary control and the activities of multinational corporations. Like Sankara, he criticises foreign aid and encourages local initiatives to be carried forward by the people themselves :

The questions my generation asks itself can be summarised as follows : not understanding how Africa, with so much wealth beneath our soil and with such a generous natural environment, can today be the poorest continent. How is it that African heads of state travel the world begging ?7 (Traoré 2023a)

Notable national initiatives include the creation of the Agency for the Promotion of Community Entrepreneurship (APEC),8 launched in June 2023, whose objectives include endogenous development and job creation. Through this initiative, Burkinabè citizens are invited to finance national development themselves. This is an example of a partial engagement with Sankara’s conception of sovereignty as rooted in a collective and shared dignity and refusal of the material conditions of dependency, although remaining embedded within a capitalist framework. The Patriotic Support Fund (FSP), launched in January 2023, draws upon voluntary citizen contributions, salary deductions and taxes on consumer products such as alcoholic beverages and communication services to finance counterterrorism activities (thus bypassing historical military-to-military aid from France and the USA). The Faso Meebo Initiative, launched in October 2024, seeks to raise endogenous financing for road, urban and rural development.

Each of these initiatives draws upon a popular consciousness and historical memory of Sankara’s determined efforts to engage Burkinabè people in the revolutionary project and anti-imperial struggle : they echo his insistence, building upon burkindlim in the Mooré ontology, of militant, ‘upright’ and visible demonstrations of self-sacrifice and self-defence. Within Sankara’s political praxis, this sacrifice was paired with relentless critique of privilege, corruption, elite insulation and patriarchy. In a similar move, following a Council of Ministers meeting on 16 November 2022, government spokesperson Jean Emmanuel R. Ouédraogo announced that Traoré was foregoing his salary as president and retaining his more modest captain’s salary ; in the same meeting, ministers announced that they would allocate 50% of their November salaries to the National Solidary Fund, which assists internally displaced people (LeFaso.net 2022).

Traoré’s speeches have outlined a commitment to fight imperialism and refusal to participate as bourgeoisie intermediaries for foreign capital in neo-imperialism. Both Sankara and Traoré condemned elite collaborators and intellectuals as ‘local lackeys’ (valets locaux), an expression mobilised to refer to Burkinabè who collude or collaborate with imperial powers. A number of Traoré’s speeches disparage figures he refers to as ‘traitors’, calling them out as internal enemies undermining sovereignty and national liberation (Traoré 2023b, 2024b, 2025) ; this tactic can also function as a mechanism for delegitimising and disciplining dissent by activists, journalists, intellectuals, union leaders, students and others (Amnesty International Canada 2023 ; Amnesty International 2025). In recent years, Traoré has used the phrase ‘house slaves’ (esclaves de salon) for comprador elites and imperial collaborators, which is a francophonisation of terminology originating in black resistance struggles in the USA and popularised in the 1960s by figures such as Malcolm X, who distinguished between the so-called ‘house Negro’ and ‘field Negro’ (X 1965). This suggests that Traoré’s lexicon emerges within a wider ecosystem of pan-African intellectual and activist forums, as the phrase ‘esclaves de salon’ circulated in student newsletters and activists pamphlets before becoming a common denunciation on francophone pan-African YouTube and Facebook channels.

Traoré’s anti-imperialism
The postcolonial paradigm of cooperation between France and its former colonies – la Francafrique – has been marked by a relationship of French superiority (Beti 1972). During Traoré’s leadership, France has been the object of criticism and accusations by activists and supporters, at the same time as political activists within Burkina have been targeted and silenced (Murrey 2025). A popular awareness of the repressive and oppressive results of French-driven foreign policy in Burkina has been palpable online, as is reflected formally and informally within anticolonial, pan-African activisms in the last decade (Ndiaye 2023). There is what we call ‘formal positivity’ (positivité formelle) in Traoré’s anticolonial stance ; this positivity rests on the political legitimacy of anti-imperialism in the contemporary moment. Traoré’s sovereigntist and anticolonial discourse represents a legitimate rupture that aligns with a long series of African struggles for affirmation and self-determination against former colonial and current neo-imperial powers. French economic and political elites have long been the architects of political instability and governance failure through the networks and practices commonly referred to as la Françafrique ; Traoré explains :

Africa is that continent which has suffered greatly, and continues to suffer, because of imperialists. These imperialists have only one stereotype in mind. Africa is the continent of slaves ; that is how they see Africa.9 (Traoré 2024a)

In speeches and public comments, Traoré has credited French agents with implementing divisive and violent postcolonial policies in Burkina and for supporting a domestic political leadership amenable to the continuation of French economic and cultural dominance in the postcolonies :

These imperialists, in addition to plundering our states, in addition to dispossessing us through the local lackeys they have placed at the head of our states, states which they moreover consider to be their sub-prefectures, have today reached their climax by sending us a horde of criminals who kill men, women and children.10 (Traoré 2023b)

Traoré criticises neo-imperialism and understands terrorism as a phenomenon deliberately maintained by imperialist powers in order to protect their interests. By speaking of ‘sub-prefectures’, he alludes to Burkina as a former French colony : one that France still seeks to manage and monopolise. On 11 July 2024, he attributed deliberate destabilisation of Burkina to the French, via the French military base in Benin, by assisting terrorist groups with operational strategies, medical care and logistics :

We have audio recordings of French agents in Benin who operate at the heart of the terrorists’ operations centres. They plan operations with them. They help them receive medical care. They do everything there. We have all the details about them.11 (Traoré 2024c)

In Burkina, the geopolitical break with France and the cessation of military cooperation and foreign aid has not (yet) coincided with the large-scale succession of terrorist activities, nor with the advent of political and economic redemption for the Burkinabè people. Traoré’s anticolonial discourse both articulates a political horizon and mobilises popular affect (Prashad 2025) ; it also unfolds within a social field already saturated with negative perceptions of France. In a global political economy structured by labour and ecological exploitation, and an international development regime organised around what Sankara described as ‘mere survival’ and which Traoré repeatedly refers to as ‘slavery’ (Traoré 2023b, 2024d, 2025), the Burkinabè have long been denied dignified representation, political justice and economic self-determination (the latter is a point taken up by Traoré ; see, for example, his message on 23 December 2025 : Traoré 2025). For Sankara, self-recognition emerged through collective labour, creativity and shared construction through a revolutionary pedagogy aimed at rehumanisation. It is for this reason that examining the Alliance of Sahel States and contemporary discourses of sovereignty and anti-imperialism in Burkina Faso is so important : they remind us that liberation must be simultaneously material and cultural. For Sankara, intellectual production was to be placed in the service of remaking the world for the working classes and the most vulnerable, a task that necessarily requires disobedience in thought and political practice.

Notes
1
This and subsequent extracts from Traoré’s speeches are English translations provided by the authors. The original French is given in the relevant endnotes. Original text : Nous, chefs d’État africains, devons cesser de nous comporter comme des marionnettes qui dansent chaque fois que les impérialistes tirent les ficelles.

2
Original text : Ceci nous a conduits en janvier dernier à poser des actes anticonstitutionnels pour redresser et donner vie à cette nation. L’objectif donc de l’avènement du Mouvement Patriotique pour la Sauvegarde et la Restauration était donc de prendre notre destin en main.

3
While AI-generated images, memes and posts celebrating Ibrahim Traoré and anti-imperialism circulate online, these materials were not included in our analysis. In this article, we examine official and institutional media sources whose content did not originate from generative AI.

4
Given the realities of wartime censorship and strategic communication in the context of acute neo-imperial threats, this analysis of speeches and media representations must be approached with caution, since the sources may reflect or even reinforce state narratives while obscuring internal dissent or strategic ambiguity.

5
Original text : Son combat et sa vision demeurent un repère qui oriente notre action et nourrit notre engagement et notre détermination pour la reconquête du territoire national et la construction d’un nouveau Burkina de paix, de sécurité, de prospérité et de progrès pour l’ensemble des Burkinabè.

6
Original text : Pour ce qui concerne le Burkina Faso, nous sommes confrontés depuis plus de huit ans à la forme de manifestation la plus barbare, la plus violente du néocolonialisme, de l’impérialisme. L’esclavage qu’on compte encore nous imposer.

7
Original text : Les questions que ma génération se pose sont les suivantes, si je peux me résumer : c’est de ne pas comprendre comment l’Afrique, avec tant de richesses sous notre sol, avec une nature généreuse, … soit aujourd’hui le continent le plus pauvre. Comment se fait-il que les Chefs d’État africains traversent le monde pour mendier ?

8
For more details, see https://apec.bf.

9
Original text : L’Afrique est ce continent qui a tant souffert, et qui continue de souffrir, du fait des impérialistes. Ces impérialistes n’ont qu’un seul cliché en tête. L’Afrique est le continent des esclaves ; c’est ainsi qu’ils voient l’Afrique.

10
Original text : Ces impérialistes, en plus de piller nos États, en plus de nous spolier à travers les valets locaux qu’ils ont mis à la tête de nos États, États d’ailleurs qu’ils considèrent comme étant leurs sous-préfectures, aujourd’hui a atteint son paroxysme en nous envoyant une horde de criminels qui tuent hommes, femmes et enfants.

11
Original text : Nous avons des enregistrements audios d’agents français au Bénin qui se jouent au centre des opérations des terroristes. Ils montent les opérations avec eux. Ils les aident à se soigner. Ils font tout là-bas. Nous avons tous les détails sur eux.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes on contributors
Wendwoaga Anselme Kiemtoré is a doctoral researcher at l’École Doctorale Lettres, Sciences Humaines et Communication (ED/LESHCO), Université Joseph Ki-Zerbo, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. His research focuses on sovereignty, anti-imperial political thought and contemporary political discourse in Burkina Faso and the Sahel.

https://orcid.org/0009-0009-7936-8898

Amber Murrey is Associate Professor of Political Geography at the University of Oxford. Her research examines resistance studies, extractive capitalism and the geopolitics of knowledge, with a particular focus on Central Africa and the Sahel. She is the editor of ‘A Certain Amount of Madness’ : The Life, Politics and Legacies of Thomas Sankara (Pluto Press, 2018) and has held academic appointments in Cameroon, Ethiopia, Egypt and the USA.

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8252-8308

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Author and article information
Journal
Journal ID (nlm-ta) : Rev Afr Polit Econ
Journal ID (publisher-id) : roape
Title : Review of African Political Economy
Publisher : Review of African Political Economy (United Kingdom )
ISSN (Electronic) : 1740-1720
ISSN (Print) : 0305-6244
Publication date (Electronic) : 03 June 2026
Volume : 53
Issue : 188
Pages : 259-268