Madagascar’s Gen Z uprising – an interview with Harilala Ranjatohery

Ranjatohery : First, I would like to make it clear that the army did not initially claim power. When faced with the violent crackdown by security forces[1], especially the national gendarmerie, against the Gen Z protest movement, soldiers from CAPSAT (Corps d’Armée des Personnels et des Services Administratifs et Techniques) stepped in to defend the protesters. Thanks to the intervention of these men in fatigues led by Colonel Michaël Randrianirina, the balance of power shifted in favor of the movement. President Rajoelina fled, leaving a vacant seat at the head of the Presidency of the Republic. The President of the Senate has already been removed from office by his peers while the government headed by Major General Ruphin Zafisambo, appointed by Andry Rajoelina, with not all the positions filled, was unable to win acceptance and manage the situation. This institutional vacuum convinced the army to take responsibility. Subsequently, in a decision handed down on October 14, 2025, the Constitutional High Court, having noted the flagrant absence of public authorities, called on the military to temporarily exercise the leadership of the state. This decision granted legal status to Colonel Michaël Randrianirina’s accession to the head of state, who also enjoys popular legitimacy.

To get back to your question, the Gen Z movement is the result of a spontaneous upheaval that has been brewing for a very long time. It is the voice of a youth that is completely determined to assert its fundamental rights. This movement was born out of the bonds forged between young people, who have observed the failure of public authorities, which are completely unable to meet the most basic demands of the people. Gen Z initially demanded water and electricity, but their discourse subsequently became more radical, leading to the overhaul of the system. Gen Z claims to be apolitical. It does not espouse any particular ideology. Despite this, as the situation evolves, Gen Z is becoming a force for change.

What other social and political forces have joined the movement ? Can we mention trade unions or opposition forces ?

In the days following the outbreak of protests led by Gen Z the movement quickly gained support : trade unions, such as Randrana syndikaly[2], joined in, followed by various other groups such as teachers and civil servants. Meanwhile, political parties, including those in the opposition, are often criticised by public opinion and have little support and authority, which meant that they kept a low profile at first. It was subsequently that the Firaisankina platform[3], through its MPs, undertook concrete political action to impeach the President of the Republic.

Was the mobilisation widespread in terms of geography ? Did it mainly affect the capital ? Only the major cities ? Or was the movement even broader ?

The Gen Z movement was unexpectedly large, with widespread mobilisation in the country’s major cities, reflecting the general discontent of the population. The proliferation of demonstrations of support initiated by the Malagasy diaspora abroad gave the movement a global reach.

What was the regime’s strategic approach ? Why did it fail to the extent that the military and the regime’s political supporters abandoned it ? It is also worth recalling the origins of the regime, which arose from a previous crisis in 2009.

The regime tried, as it usually does, to arrest the leaders of the protests, spread all sorts of false info to discredit the movement, and step up the crackdown. However, the hard-line approach taken by the ruling power has not succeeded in weakening the movement. On the contrary, it has only served to fuel the fire of protest. Furthermore, the abuses committed by members of the gendarmerie in the context of implementing the ROP (Restoration of Public Order) were the last straw. The army, deeply shocked by these illegal acts of repression, which amounted to a bloodbath, turned its back on Rajoelina’s regime. It is the irony of history that it was the same CAPSAT unit that brought him to power in 2009 that is now returning the favour.

How can the role of the army be explained ? This is nothing new, but what is unique about the present military intervention ? Who is the new strong man : Colonel Randrianirina and CAPSAT, the special unit that has been widely discussed ?

In Madagascar’s history, during the political crises that marked the second half of the 20th century and the first decades of our millennium, the army has been the last bulwark of the Republic. From the Second Republic (1975-1992) onwards, the Great Mute became increasingly politicised. Although it was designed as an institutional tool to ensure the domination of the head of state, it was also the army that failed him when he least expected it. President Ratsiraka experienced this unfortunate situation in 2002. The same was true for Marc Ravalomanana in 2009. Currently, Colonel Michaël Randrianirina, from the CAPSAT camp, has become the country’s strongman. Some compare him to officers from various African countries who are considered to be the architects of Africa’s awakening, determined to break free from the neocolonial grip of the West. His sober appearance, expressive smile, and simple language give him the air of a sincere and determined man.

Are we on the way to a “transitional” military regime that’s meant to last, like we’ve seen in other countries that were once French colonies in Africa, or should we believe the military when they say they don’t want to stay in power ?

Time will tell whether Colonel Michaël Randrianirina, who has just been vetted by the HCC (High Constitutional Court) with the power to lead the country as head of state, will be faithful to his word.

Is it possible to draw comparisons with the popular uprisings that have marked Madagascar’s contemporary history since May 1972 ?

In May 1972, student strikes turned into widespread protests, leading to the fall of the Tsiranana regime[4]. The resemblance to the events of the past three weeks in the country is undeniably striking. In 1972, students at the Befelatanana School of Medicine began protesting in January, followed by those at Ankatso University. Five months later, on 18 May, President Tsiranana was forced to hand over full powers to the army. As for the Rajoelina regime, its collapse after only twenty days was as rapid as it was spectacular, and this is what particularly distinguishes the popular movement of September-October 2025.

In 1991, the demands initiated by the leaders of Hery Velona[5] focused from the start on reforming the Constitution to prevent power from being concentrated in the hands of the President. The Gen Z movement, meanwhile, is calling for a change in the system and is committed to a genuine break with the past. In 2009, Andry Rajoelina used the military support he had received to forcibly remove President Marc Ravalomanana from the presidential palace. The popular movement he led was effectively accompanied by a full-scale military coup, as CAPSAT stormed Ambohitsorohitra and Iavoloha[6] at the time. According to later accounts, Rajoelina’s main objective in 2009 was to overthrow Ravalomanana. In contrast, at the beginning of the uprising, the Gen Z movement did not seek Rajoelina’s departure. His downfall was simply the result of the decay of his own regime.

France intervened by exfiltrating the head of state. How is this symptomatic of the persistence of neocolonial relations ? Beyond this detail, what relations exist between the French state and the deposed regime ?

France’s approach, which still somewhat considers itself the former mother country, reflects a neocolonialist attitude. Whatever one may say about this operation by the French government, with the blatant intervention of the French army on foreign territory—it must be emphasised—it reveals first and foremost the urgent nature of the operation and France’s determination to do everything possible to rescue one of its loyal servants who was the watchdog of French interests in Madagascar.

This was all the more true, given that Andry Rajoelina also has French nationality. Rajoelina’s naturalisation meant that he had to prioritise relations with his adopted country in one way or another. The implementation of the costly and far-fetched cable car transport project in the capital was a notable example of this.

Can this social movement carry on after Andy Rajoelina is gone and change Madagascar’s political scene ? We can even ask : are there revolutionary prospects ?

The fall of Andry Rajoelina is a milestone in Madagascar’s political history. The current popular momentum could be a launching pad for a genuine multidimensional revolution. In any event, the country’s political landscape is bound to be reshaped

Featured Photograph : Gen Z protesters in Madagascar (wiki commons)

Harilala Ranjatohery is a specialist in Malagasy political and cultural history and a member of the Malagasy Academy

[1] According to the UN Human rights office, at least 22 people have been killed and more than a hundred injured in the protests.

[2] Movement of trade unions that gathers together several workers’ associations

[3] An alliance of the main opposition parties

[4] On the events, read : Irène RABENORO, “May 1972 in Madagascar : A student Movement causing the Fall of the ‘Father of Independence’”, in : BIANCHINI Pascal, SYLLA Ndongo Samba & ZEILIG Leo, Revolutionary Movements in Africa. Un untold story. Pluto Press & CODESRIA, 2024, pp. 175-191

[5] A political platform grouping various opposition groups in 1991

[6] Ambohitsorohitra is the presidential palace and Iavoloha is the official residence of the President.